It is difficult to compare similar historical "acts" – which is something that revolutions definitely are. Concretely we are referring to two revolutions in two separate states, Russia and Yugoslavia, in two different periods of time. We are therefore looking at two identical phenomena, carried out with the same purpose, yet in different circumstances and in various forms. Apart from being the time of global conflicts, the 20th century was also the period of proletarian revolutions. Two of these developments by all means stand out: the first one in Russia, and the second one in Yugoslavia. Both of them were related to or made possible by wars. Both were socialist revolutions, taking place in different historical, social, political, as well as military circumstances, with different starting points and causes, yet with the same purpose: to take over the power and change the social relations; and both were successful. They built on the same ideological foundations and they had a few common points, yet the differences between them were far more prominent. Thus the two revolutions, understood narrowly or broadly as comprehensive social processes, were carried out in different ways. The case of the Yugoslav socialist revolution was indeed a "rerun" of the Russian Bolshevik revolution, but it was by no means imitation. The Yugoslav revolutionaries did indeed model their aspirations after the Bolshevik Revolution, but did not replicate it, even though they often sought to "transplant" the experience gained during the Russian Revolution to the Yugoslav circumstances. Therefore the execution of the Yugoslav revolution, which took place during World War II in the circumstances of the occupation and the resistance against the occupiers, was completely different from that of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. Attempts at imitation were frequent, but they did not turn out to be successful. Despite the fact that the Yugoslav communists based their socialist revolution on the Marxist theory and in terms of the authority especially on the teachings and practices of the Russian Revolution's "governmental" implementation, it is difficult to identify what we could call the pivotal point in the realisation of the revolution. To put it simply, the Yugoslav socialist revolution did not involve any momentous events like the shot from the Russian cruiser Aurora and the Bolshevik "coup" with the "storming" of the Winter Palace. The circumstances as well as the relations during the Yugoslav revolution were different, as were the conditions and the reasons for it. Which event in the Yugoslav revolution could then be seen as pivotal and decisive for the revolution? What was the Yugoslav "Winter Palace"? The proclamation of the Anti-Fascist Council for the National Liberation of Yugoslavia (hereinafter the AVNOJ) as the authority that assumed all the powers of the Yugoslav government-in-exile regarding the representation of the state can be understood as the act of taking over the power. However, the AVNOJ was not a "purely" communist authority. It may have been a revolutionary body, but its primary task was to ensure the Yugoslav statehood. It was a body of the national rather than a class revolution. It also entailed a significant change, implemented by the Yugoslav Revolution during the war: the change in the state organisation. On the basis of the nations' right to self-determination, the AVNOJ established Yugoslavia as a federal state. The "April Theses" with regard to the stages of the socialist revolution were related to the October Revolution in Russia as well. In case of the Yugoslav Socialist Revolution, the stages were certainly important, but not as all-present and obvious. The Yugoslav Socialist Revolution consisted of two stages, though most of the so-called second, i.e. class stage, took place after the war. It began with the so-called property revolution, by altering the ownership of the so-called means of production at the end of the war and after it. The Yugoslav Socialist Revolution – if we only take into account its political part, i.e. the takeover of power – proceeded gradually rather than taking place instantaneously. In the conditions presented by World War II, the Yugoslav Revolution was neither a classic bourgeois democratic revolution, nor was it classically proletarian or socialist. With regard to the post-war development of the Yugoslav socialism, we should – for the time when everything that had been created in the Soviet Union was being copied – also look at how the Bolshevik economic practices, wartime communism, and new economic policy were implemented; as well as examine the subsequent stage, i.e. collectivisation. The first period of the Yugoslav socialism involved quite a few characteristics of the Bolshevik wartime communism, and certain individual characteristics of the new economic policy were noticeable as well. Granted, these were not as prominent as it was otherwise characteristic of wartime communism. At the same time collectivisation in agriculture – one of the most characteristic phenomena of Stalin's politics regarding the introduction of socialism – was being implemented as well. The two revolutions also involved the reactions to them – counter-revolutions with elements of civil wars. In Yugoslavia the civil war was not a "clear-cut" conflict between politically different – revolutionary and counter-revolutionary – sides, as the counter-revolutionary side resorted to seeking the military assistance of the occupiers. Whether openly or clandestinely, the Yugoslav counter-revolution did collaborate with the enemy. Both civil wars involved a class-related struggle for power. However, in case of the civil war in Yugoslavia, the occupiers and the related collaboration were a "cosmetic error" that made the civil war less convincing; while in Russia the civil war took place in a "purer" form. Regarding the revolution as well as its opposition, we should also address the question of violence perpetrated by both the revolutionary and counter-revolutionary side. This was the so-called revolutionary terror, though violence in itself does not constitute a revolution.