Ko spregovorijo matične knjige: družbena zgodovina mesta Krško med letoma 1850 in 1918 v luči matičnih knjig

Avtor(ji): Pacek, Karla
Jezik: slovenski
Vrsta gradiva: Besedilo
Leto: 2014
Založnik(i): Univerza v Ljubljani; Filozofska fakulteta, Ljubljana
Soavtor(ji): Boris Golec


  • Vsi metapodatki
    • dcterms:identifier http://hdl.handle.net/11686/30392
    • dcterms:title
      • Ko spregovorijo matične knjige: družbena zgodovina mesta Krško med letoma 1850 in 1918 v luči matičnih knjig
    • dcterms:alternative
      • When registers speak: a social history of the town Krško between 1850 and 1918 in the light of registers
    • dcterms:creator
      • Karla Pacek
    • dcterms:subject
      • Krško
      • družbena zgodovina
      • matične knjige
      • vikariat Krško
      • župnija Krško
      • spočetja
      • rojstva
      • imena
      • starši
      • krstni botri
      • poklici
      • Krško
      • social history
      • 1850–1918
      • registers
      • Vicarage of Krško
      • Parish of Krško
      • conception
      • birth
      • names
      • parents
      • godparents
      • professions
    • dcterms:abstract
      • Pričujoče diplomsko delo podaja družbeno zgodovino mesta Krško med letoma 1850 in v luči analize rojstnih, poročnih in mrliških matičnih knjig. Razčlenjena analiza krstov otrok vpisanih v rojstne matične knjige omogoča vpogled v socialni, narodni, poklicni, demografski in gospodarski položaj mestnega prebivalstva v omenjenem obdobju. V vlogi vpisovalcev v matične knjige mesta Krško praviloma najdemo mestnega vikarja, po letu 4, ko je bil krški vikariat povzdignjen v župnijo, pa župnijskega upravitelja oz. župnika. Najprej so le izjemoma, po letu pa vse pogosteje, zakramente podeljevali patri kapucini. Število vpisov v matrike s strani kapucinov se je povečevalo z daljšanjem prehodnega obdobja med odhodom enega in prihodom drugega vikarja oz. župnika v Krško. V matičnih knjigah mesta Krško se med vpisi v nemškem jeziku in pisavi gotici od leta 1865 naprej pojavljajo posamezni primeri priimkov vpisani v slovenščini in prehodni obliki pisave med gotico in gajico, od vključno leta 1900 pa so vsi vpisi v slovenskem jeziku in gajici. To se je zgodilo kasneje, kot je bilo običajno po župnijah ljubljanske in lavantinske škofije, kjer je do spremembe jezika in pisave matičnih knjig v prid slovenščini in gajici prišlo že v drugi polovici 19. stoletja. V Krškem se je v obdobju 1850–1918 rodilo 1.412 otrok, od tega 1 % več deklic kot dečkov, kar je v nasprotju z župnijami, ki smo jih vzeli za primerjavo (Ig, Trnovo, Preloka in Celje), kjer je na svet prišlo malo več dečkov kot deklic. Povečano število rojstev je moč zaslediti v jesenskem in zimskem času, z izjemo decembra, njihovo zmanjšamo število pa spomladi in poleti, z izjemo avgusta. Ti podatki sovpadajo s trendi naraščanja in upadanja števila rojstev po župnijah, ki smo jih vzeli za primerjavo s Krškim. Enake ugotovitve veljajo za spočetja otrok, vendar v drugem časovnem obdobju, saj je porastu spočetij značilen za prvo polovico leta, z izjemo aprila, upad pa za drugo polovico, z izjemo v novembru. Posebnost Krškega v primerjavi z omenjenimi župnijami je, da je v obdobju 1880– število rojstev upadalo. Ta pojav je bil odraz krize mestnega gospodarstva, ki je bila pogojena z odsotnostjo neposredne železniške povezave, preusmeritvijo prometa in trgovine na sosednji štajerski Videm, propadom splavarstva in od njega odvisnih obrti ter odsotnostjo industrijskih obratov, izgradnjo katerih je oviralo pomanjkanje prostora med Trško goro in Savo. Zaradi navedenih vzrokov Krško ni bilo cilj velikega priseljevanja, število rojstev pa je posledično začelo upadati. Ugotovitev, da je Krško v zadnjih desetletjih . stoletja v gospodarskem pogledu nazadovalo, temelji na poklicni analizi očetov, ki je razodela, da je imelo mestno prebivalstvo predvsem uradniški in obrtniški, precej manj pa trgovski in kmečki značaj. Na to, da je Krško v drugi polovici . stoletja naprej prizadelo postopno obubožanje, kaže rast števila pripadnikov kmečkega in podkmečkega sloja znotraj mestnega prebivalstva, zmanjšano število obrtnikov in pojav posameznih novih obrtniških poklicev pa pričuje, da je v zadnjih dveh obravnavanih obdobjih analize splošen gospodarski razvoj na osnovi industrializacije zajel Krško le v manjšem obsegu in šele v začetku 2 . stoletja. Izkazalo se je, da je razvoj mesta temeljil predvsem na delovanju številnih državnih inštitucij ter rasti števila in raznovrstnosti z njimi povezanih poklicev. Analiza krstnih matičnih knjig je razkrila, da je v sredini . stoletja bila večina otrok še krščenih na dan rojstva ali prvi dan po njem, v zadnjem obdobju naše analize pa je bila že več kot polovica otrok krščena od sedmega dneva rojstva naprej. S poklicno analizo staršev, ki so svoje otroke nesli h krstu po prvem dnevu rojstva, smo ugotovili, da so bili nosilci spreminjanja krstnih navad bolj premožni in izobraženi meščani. Iz desetletja v desetletje se je ta skupina povečala in postopoma zajela tudi preostali del mestnega prebivalstva.V obdobju naše analize so imena prejeli vsi otroci, z izjemo mrtvorojenih in krščenih v sili. Pri poimenovanju se je oblikoval nabor moških in ženskih imen, ki je bil pri dečkih malo večji kot pri deklicah. Pri dečkih sta bili najbolj priljubljeni imeni Jožef in Franc, pri deklicah pa Marija, medtem ko se je seznam pogostejših imen iz desetletja v desetletje spreminjal. Tri četrtine otrok je prejelo eno ime, malo manj kot četrtina dve imeni, 5 % otrok je prejelo tri imena in manj kot 1 % več kot tri imena. Primerjava z zgoraj omenjenimi župnijami razodeva, da je bilo poimenovanje z več imeni pogostejše v mestnem okolju kot pa na podeželju. Poimenovanje z več kot enim imenom se je izkazalo za bolj priljubljeno pri deklicah. Gledano v celoti je eno ime prejelo več kot polovica otrok očetov iz vseh poklicnih razredov, z izjemo zadnjega obravnavanega obdobja, ko je to storila le še večina očetov, ki so se preživljali z delom na zemlji ali pa v gozdu. Otroke so z dvema imenoma v največjem številu poimenovali posestniki in zaposleni v državnih inštitucijah. Starši so za krstne botre naprošali sorodnike in prijatelje ali pa le-te izbirali glede na poklicno sorodnost in pri tem težili, da bi krstni botri bili vsaj statusno enaki, če že ne bolje situiran od družine krščenca. Starši so najprej izbirali po dva krstna botra, ki sta bila ali zakonski ali pa poljubno izbran par, od 90. let 19. stoletja naprej pa samo enega botra, kar je postalo ob koncu analize prevladujoča izbira. Nekateri krstni botri so bili bolj priljubljeni in tako za to vlogo velikokrat naprošeni. Toda nabor botrov z več krščenci se je iz desetletja v desetletje krčil, povečeval pa nabor botrov, ki so imeli malo ali pa samo enega krščenca. Na podlagi podpisov krstnih botrov v originalni rojstni matični knjigi se je izkazalo, da je bilo v letih 1850–1867 pismenih tri četrtine krstnih botrov. Posebne obravnave so bile deležne tri skupine otrok: mrtvorojeni, krščeni v sili in dvojčki. Na smrt otrok iz prvih dveh skupin niso vplivali ne poklicni, družbeni in finančni status družine, kot tudi ne bivanjske razmere, ampak naključna tragedija. Večina dvojčkov je prejela samo eno ime. Pri dvojčkih in krščenih v sili po letu 1910 prvič zasledimo primere krstov opravljenih po prvem dnevu rojstva, torej v času, ko je odlašanje krsta otrok že postalo splošno uveljavljeno. Nezakonski otroci so bili pri vpisih v rojstne matične knjige obravnavani na enak način kot zakonski otroci. V zakonskem stanu se je v celotnem obdobju naše analize rodilo 90 % v nezakonskem pa 10 % otrok, kar uvršča Krško med mesta z relativno majhnim deležem nezakonsko rojenih otrok. Vsi nezakonski otroci so bili, z izjemo enega, poimenovani z enim imenom. Kot pri zakonskih otrocih je bilo tudi pri njih značilno naraščajočega števila dni med rojstvom in krstom. Pri izbiri krstnih botrov posebnost predstavljajo le primeri poljubno izbranih parov botrov, ki z premoženjskega in statusnega vidika niso sodili na vrh družbene lestvice. Približno dve tretjini mater nezakonskih otrok je imelo lasten poklic oz. stan, malo manj kot ena tretjina pa jih je bila opisana z očetovim poklicem, za preostale poklic ostaja neznan. Pregled rojstnih matičnih knjig je razkril nekaj izjemnih primerov: spremembo veroizpovedi iz evangeličanske v katoliško ter spremembo osebnega imena in dveh priimkov. Več je bilo primerov naknadnega priznanja očetovstva, ki so v večini sledili sklenitvi zakona med materjo in očetom otroka.
      • Present thesis describes social history of Krško between the years 5 and 1918. The analysis is based on birth, marriage and death records. Thorough analysis of children's baptisms registered in birth records enables social, national, professional and demographic insight to the population of Krško and their economic situation in the period mentioned. In Krško vicar was usually the one to register the data. After 1894 the vicarage of Krško became a parish, therefore it was the priest who registered the data. The sacraments were given by Capuchin Fathers, especially after 1900. The longer the period when a priest or a vicar left and another took the position, the higher the number of registries made by Capuchins. The records are registered in German language and in Gothic alphabet, since 1865 there are also some cases of surnames registered in Slovene and a script which is something between the Gothic alphabet and Gaj's Latin alphabet After 1900 all the records are registered in Slovene language and in Gaj's Latin alphabet, later than in other parishes of Diocese of Ljubljana and Diocese of Lavant, where changes of language and writings in registers took place in the second half of the 19th century. Between 5 and ,4 2 children were born in Krško, one percent more girls than boys, which is the opposite of other parishes in comparison (Ig, Trnovo, Preloka and Celje). There has been an increased number of births in autumn and winter, except December, and a smaller number of births in spring and summer, except August. This data matches with other rectories in comparison. Similar conclusions are made about conceptions, except in another time – an increased number of conceptions in the first half of the year, except April, and a lower number in the second half, except November. In comparison to other mentioned parishes the number of births in Krško has declined between 1880 and 1918, which is the result of an economic crisis of Krško – no direct rail link, neighbouring Styrian village Videm, took over the transport and trading, collapse of rafting and related trading, lack of industry due to little space between the hill Trška gora and Sava river. Due to these facts Krško was not the destination of great immigration and consequently the number of births became to decrease.Krško was therefore in decline economically in the last decades of th century. The fact is seen from the profession of men – they were mostly officials or tradesmen and not so much merchants or farmers. Krško was slowly becoming poorer in the second half of 19th century, due to the increased number of farmers within the city population. A smaller number of tradesmen and upcoming trading professions show a lower economic development of Krško in the beginning of 19 th century due to industrialization. Krško was in development mostly because of outnumbered public institutions and the incline of different correlated professions. From the analysis of birth registers it is seen that in the middle of 19th century children were mostly baptised on the same day as they were born or the day after. In the last period of the analysis more than half of the children were baptised the seventh day after birth and later. Analysing professions of the parents that baptised their children on the day of birth, we defined that the ones bringing changes to baptising tradition were wealthy and educated people. This group of people grew from decade to decade and finally covered the whole town. In the years taken in the analysis all children were given names, except stillborns and the ones baptised in need. A certain set of names was formed. There were more names for boys. Jožef and Franc were the most common names for boys. Marija was the most common name for girls. The list of most common names changed from decade to decade. Three quarters of children were given one name, a bit less than a quarter were given two names, five percent of them were given three and less than one per cent more than three names. A comparison with the mentioned rectories shows that giving more names was more common in the urban than rural surroundings. More than one name was mostly given to girls. More than a half of children, irrespective of their father's profession, were given one name. In the last analysed period only the fathers who worked on soil or in the woods gave their children one name. Two names were given to children whose parents were landlords or working for public institutions. Godparents were usually relatives or friends. Sometimes they were of the similar profession as the parents, who aimed to pick a godparent who was of the same financial status or even wealthier. Parents used to pick two godparents at first. The godparents could be married couples or couples picked by chance. From 1990 on parents only picked one godparent. Some people were very likable so they had the role of a godparent more than once. This became less of a practice with decades. There were more people who were godparents only once or a few times. Three quarters of 216 godparents were literate according to their signatures in the birth register between 1850 and 1867. Stillborn babies, children baptised in need and twins were given special treatment. Death of a child was an accident and it was not a consequence of any professional, social nor financial status of the family. The majority of twins had only one name. There are first cases of baptisms after the first day of birth in the case of twins and children baptised in need after 1910. In that time the postponement of baptism was already a practice. Illegitimate children were treated the same as the legitimate ones when registered. There were relatively little illegitimate children in Krško – only ten percent. All illegitimate children, except one, were given one name. The time difference between the birth and the baptising of these children was increasing as well. There are some specific cases of choosing two godparents by chance. These godparents were not at the top of the social or financial status. Approximately two thirds of mothers of these illegitimate children had their own job, a bit less than one third are registered under the profession of the child's father, other data about their profession are not known. The analysis of registers unfolded some other interesting facts: changing of religion from Evangelic to Catholic, modification of a name and two surnames. There were quite a few cases of accepting fatherhood subsequently, which usually happened after a marriage between the parents.
    • dcterms:publisher
      • Univerza v Ljubljani; Filozofska fakulteta, Ljubljana
    • dcterms:contributor
      • Boris Golec
    • dcterms:date
      • 2014
    • dcterms:type
      • Text
    • dcterms:language
      • slv